Additional Information. Table of Contents. Title Page, Copyright Page pp. Contents pp. Acknowledgments pp. Acronyms pp. Introduction: How Visibility Matters pp.
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Conclusion: Why Visibility Matters pp. They have framed anti-sodomy laws 19 as evidence of the continuity of colonialism in the present. With the emergence of continental 23 African LGBT organizing, LGBT activists in the region have initiated a dialogue with each other about framing law reform as continuing the 25 decolonization project started by national liberation movements. In , lawmakers signed the Labour Act into law, which prohibited workplace discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation 37 Hubbard, Despite the year existence of pro-gay legislation, other antigay laws, including the anti-sodomy law, remained on the books.
They are wrongly claimed because it is inimical to true Namibian culture, African culture and religion. Figuratively expelling lesbian and gay activists and citizens from Namibia, Nujoma replayed a familiar nationalist 33 refrain that positioned SWAPO as the arbiter of decolonization and gender and sexual minorities as non-national subjects Currier, Again in 35 , Nujoma equated decolonization with exiling lesbian and gay subjects Barnard, In this episode, Nujoma 39 banned lesbian and gay Namibians from the decolonization movement to prevent them from making claims on the nation in the present.
Then-Prime Minister Hage Geingob assured lesbian and gay AU :2 Namibians that the ruling party would uphold the human rights they had 7 sworn to protect. Johannes supported his assertion by imagining what might have happened if the founding president of each country had been 31 someone else.
Due in part to political homophobia, TRP has been unable to mount a public campaign 37 to decolonize Namibian laws that deal with gender and sexual diversity Currier, , In South Africa, racial, class, and gender 3 inequalities divided the lesbian and gay movement before the democratic transition away from apartheid. White, middle-class gay men dominated 5 the movement from its inception in through the s. Many white gay activists were ambivalent about publicly challenging apartheid, which 7 alienated lesbian and gay activists inside and outside South Africa Gevisser, In the s, Black, Colored, and white lesbian and gay activists 9 began to form multiracial lesbian and gay movement organizations.
Racism in the lesbian and gay movement kept Black South Africans from 11 joining the movement in the s and s. For me, that was really, really important to see my fellow brothers and sisters coming out and being open about their sexuality and joining the organization. For Sipho, GLOW, as a multiracial 25 lesbian and gay movement organization, represented an attempt to overturn the racism that marred the movement and South African society. However, GLOW initiated public campaigns on its own terms.
March 3 organizers disagreed with the advice they received. You know, they said that we were not ready to have a march. But, at the same time, that 5 was the time of the revolution, and things [were] changing for South Africa because that was the time when, you know, people like Nelson Mandela were released from prison, 7 that we were looking into our future [at] democracy. This cultural visibility metamorphosed into political visibility when lawmakers began drafting the 17 constitution in the early s.
Between and , lawmakers debated the inclusion of a sexual-orientation nondiscrimination clause, dubbed the 19 Equality Clause Croucher, ; Stychin, The early years of national liberation in South Africa encouraged LGBT activists to concentrate on national law 29 reform. Activists in Zimbabwe 37 and South Africa have shared their expertise with TRP, cautioning the organization not to unveil a public law reform campaign until political 39 homophobia receded Currier, The theme of decolonization 3 has emerged as a prominent frame in discussions of forging a continental African LGBT movement.
Is it possible to work with the African Commission? First, Jeannette acknowl- edged that law reform would not necessarily result in speedy cultural 9 change; such changes would likely be glacial. In this regard, IGLHRC representatives were sensitive to the sociopolitical context in 19 which southern African LGBT activists operated and understood that they regularly confronted claims that homosexuality was unAfrican. With at least one commissioner willing to hear an LGBT rights case, activists forged ahead 3 with their plans to form a contingent. In light of such possible receptiveness at the ACHPR, activists believed 5 that addressing the antigay backlash in Nigeria was urgent.
For instance, Lucas, a white man and GALZ staff member, suggested that activists should frame anti-sodomy 5 laws and the death penalty as colonialist. They were savvy in linking anti-sodomy laws and the death penalty 9 because they could introduce a hot-button issue, the decriminalization of sodomy, through a more benign issue, the elimination of the death 11 penalty. By framing the contentious issue of decriminalizing sodomy together with a commonly 15 understood human rights violation, the death penalty, southern African LGBT activists intended to present an image of an African LGBT movement 17 as being moderate and as working within a preexisting African political framework of decolonization.
Additionally, they sought to exploit African 19 nationalist rhetoric that touted decolonization as a goal to enable them to repeal anti-LGBT legislation. Rina, a Sister Namibia staff member, advocated approaching feminist movement organizations that 15 had prior experience working with the ACHPR. Southern African LGBT activists also agreed that those who went to Banjul should resist the 17 temptation to dominate discussions by portraying LGBT issues as more dire than other situations.
Lucas acknowledged that some 25 human rights abuses were just as pressing, if not more so, than LGBT rights violations. Making LGBT rights palatable and understandable as human rights concerns would enable the contingent, activists believed, to achieve 31 more than they would if they had presented LGBT rights independently of other human rights violations, which some Africans faced daily.
In this way, 33 activists hoped that their framing of LGBT rights would become culturally intelligible to commissioners and to participants at the NGO Forum and 35 culturally resonant with the human rights frames in circulation. The strategic choices that southern African LGBT activists made at the 37 March meeting resulted in some advances for the continental movement. She recognized the newness of LGBT rights for African commissioners, but 11 allowed the possibility that they paid such attention to the Cameroonian speaker because she was addressing sexuality openly, which may have 13 seemed unusual to some commissioners who hailed from cultures that had prohibitions on openly discussing sexuality Epprecht, They also forged ties with Nigerian and other African feminist and human rights organizations.
As a framework, decoloniza- tion permits LGBT activists to forge ties with other groups interested in 35 reforming laws. At this 19 time, it is unclear what the outcomes of decolonization framing will be; the deployment of this framing remains isolated to certain LGBT movements 21 in Africa. One goal of this chapter has been to encourage social movement scholars 23 to take decolonization movements in the global south more seriously.
In particular, the legal, cultural, and political outcomes of national liberation 25 struggles deserve closer scrutiny. Have national liberation movements delivered on their promise to decolonize the state and society? What has 27 kept movements from satisfying their pre-independence pledges?
What kinds of law reform and legal change constitute decolonization for Africans and for social 33 movement scholars? How and why might the perceptions of Africans and scholars regarding decolonization differ? Incorporating postcolonial theories 35 of social change into social movement analysis would likely aid scholars in realizing that decolonization movements will remain busy for some time, 37 given that European colonialism transformed African societies and imposed new cultural and legal frameworks on them Young, What versions of decolonization emerge among these movements?
Do their versions 3 intersect or undercut one another? How, when, and why do decolonization movements commence public law reform campaigns Currier, ? What 5 roles do authoritarian ruling parties in some African countries play in quashing, deterring, or channeling law reform campaigns into other outlets? Examining how different social movements in southern Africa, for instance, conceptualize 11 and undertake law reform represents a new possibility for those who study the intersection of social movements and the law.
Jeanette mentioned this incident as an example of the need for LGBT activists to prepare potential audiences for the public visibility of discussions about gender and sexual diversity. I would like to thank Kathleen M. Blee, Austin Sarat, and the anonymous reviewers for 11 their helpful comments on earlier versions of this work and Alaina Jalufka for her research assistance.
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Out of the closets and into the courts: Legal opportunity structure and gay rights litigation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Forging gay identities: Organizing sexuality in San Francisco, — Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ballard, R. Globalization, marginalization, and 29 contemporary social movements in South Africa. African Affairs, , — Barclay, S.
Scheingold Eds , Cause lawyers and social movements pp. Nujoma targets imperialism, gays. The Namibian, August Benford, R. Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology, 26, — Celebration and suppression: The strategic uses of identity by the lesbian and gay movement.
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Sexual citizens: The legal and cultural regulation of sex and belonging. Croucher, S. Journal 9 of Southern African Studies, 28 2 , — Currier, A. In: S.
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Barclay, M. Political homophobia in postcolonial Namibia. Davids, L. Constitutional clarity wanted on gay issue. The 15 Namibian, February 14, p. Global communities and hybrid cultures: Early gay and lesbian 17 electoral activism in Brazil and Mexico. Latin American Research Review, 42 1 , 29— Dentlinger, L.